World
US Midterm Results Leave India–US Partnership Steady, but New Congress May Test Trump’s Foreign Policy
The change in control of the U.S. Congress is a significant moment for Washington, but its effect on the India–U.S. strategic partnership is expected to be subtle rather than disruptive. President Donald Trump will still retain executive authority over U.S. foreign policy, so India must remain vigilant against any further complications of the West Asia conflict. The partnership is built on bipartisan support and a consensus around Indo‑Pacific cooperation amid Chinese assertiveness, along with people‑to‑people contacts and technology and defence ties that have grown over the past 25 years.
Despite this core alignment, the partnership reached a low point during the second Trump administration over issues such as asymmetrical trade demands, India’s reluctance to abandon its energy ties with Russia, U.S. immigration policies, and Washington’s outreach to Pakistan, which effectively re‑hyphenated its regional approach. It is unclear how much tighter congressional scrutiny of Trump’s actions—particularly on Iran and Ukraine—will constrain his foreign policy, as the legislative shift is unlikely to dent his broad executive authority over U.S. diplomacy and the military, even amid domestic pushback.
The ASEAN summit in Manila this month, where Prime Minister Narendra Modi will be present, may indicate how the midterm results could reshape Trump’s approach to global affairs. Of immediate interest to India, Japan, and Australia is the Quad leaders’ summit scheduled for November 16 on the margins of ASEAN. Modi may also have a bilateral meeting with Trump. India had hosted the leaders’ summit for the past two years, but Trump’s reluctance to travel to New Delhi amid bilateral trade discord delayed the event, leading many to conclude that the president had downgraded the Quad to pursue closer ties with Beijing. Preserving the Quad for a free and open Indo‑Pacific remains a key foreign‑policy priority for India and Japan.
The leaders’ summit in Manila will be particularly significant as it takes place amid the Philippines’ continued maritime tensions with Beijing and days before Trump’s visit to China for the APEC leaders’ meeting. Strategic ties in the form of the Quad, defence cooperation, and initiatives like TRUST (formerly iCET) on critical and emerging technology will continue to deepen, based on the bipartisan foundation.
As India negotiates its own trade agreement with the U.S., it will watch for potential legislative hurdles over labour and environmental standards. A Democratic majority could also seek to curb the Trump administration’s unilateral tariff actions, providing some relief for India, and could offer a check against restrictive immigration legislation, potentially easing the situation for high‑skilled Indian professionals and H‑1B visa holders. Democrats have traditionally been more vocal or even critical of India on human‑rights and other internal issues, but this has rarely been a deal‑breaker.
After the midterm outcomes, India will look to balance its engagement with the White House by cultivating ties with key Democratic committee chairs. According to Indian officials, the relationship based on similar values and strategic goals will continue to grow. "American funding, research, and businesses pair perfectly with India’s talent, large workforce, and ambition. Above all, the close connection between regular people, especially the active Indian‑American community, keeps this partnership strong, reliable, and focused on the future," said a source who spoke on condition of anonymity.